Macht, Schein und Legitimität - Das Politische in Schillers Drama Maria Stuart (German Edition)

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  • Providence, R. Lifts of Lipschitz maps and horizontal fractals in the Heisenberg group. Cambridge, Mass. Baltensperger, Ernst In: Wiegand, Wolfgang ed. Basel II - die rechtlichen Konsequenzen. Berner Bankrechtstag: Vol. Deposit a peer-reviewed article or book chapter. Deposit a complete issue of a scholarly journal, newsletter or book.

    Deposit scholarly works such as posters, presentations, conference papers or white papers. Skip to Content. Toggle navigation Carolina Digital Repository. Help Contact Us Login. You do not have access to any existing collections. You may create a new collection. MLA Kent, Tayler. APA Kent, T. Without a relation to such major transformations in modernity, social theory is meaningless. Social theory thus occupies an uncertain ground between, on the one hand, the domain of a post-disciplinary sociology and on the other an interdisciplinary mode of theorizing that is connected to political what kind of society?

    It is then probably best distinguished from sociological theory in the narrow sense and from the history of sociology. It is unavoidably bound up with critical and normative questions. Several contributors have noted how social theory has always been connected with moral issues. Sociology cannot avoid social theory in so far as sociology concerns normative issues. Austin Harrington makes the point that social theory also concerns questions that are common to theology.

    It is possible to characterize some of the concerns in terms of the central challenge of transcendence see also Mellor In this respect social theory is also connected to political philosophy, as Peter Wagner argues in his contribution to the volume. Political philosophy developed around a particular kind of political philosophy, largely individualist liberalism, while social science tended to be positivistic.

    This dichotomy, which has separated social theory and political philosophy, is now breaking down and new opportunities for the reengagement of social and political theory emerging. The connection with the political is especially evident in the case of Italian social theory. Monica Sassatelli draws attention to the role of political intellectuals in Italian social theory and to its broadly based interdisciplinary nature.

    This is a territory that goes back to Vico and Machiavelli and includes Eco, Pareto, Gramsci, Bobbio, Melucci, Pizzorno, Poggi, Agamben and Negri, almost all impossible to place under a particular disciplinary tradition. There can be little doubt that one of the weaknesses of European social theory is the role of the political. With the single and notable exception of Habermas on the left and Schmidt on the right, European social theorists have not given the political the same degree of attention that American theorists have.

    Perhaps this accounts for the relative strength of American political theory against social theory. One of the challenges for the future is for European theorists to link social and political theory in new ways. The question must be asked how adequate the existing approaches and schools of thought are to the tasks facing social theory in light of such current issues as the transformation of the political and wider processes of societal transformation. The critical theory tradition offers an uncertain view to the future; yet, it has established some of the main perspectives on the social world.

    It is possible to speculate that the future of European social theory will continue to draw from critical theory but it will inevitably take a very different form. Critical theory was originally conceived of in terms of an immanent understanding of critique as resting upon a normative counter-factual.

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    This was also the position held by Habermas, and mostly a position that he retained when he replaced the theory of cognitive interests with the theory of universal pragmatics, which is now the basis of his discourse ethics. It has been widely recognized by a wide range of positions that the normative assumptions behind this model of critique are no longer credible. As previously remarked, much of Central and Eastern as well as Russian social theory has repudiated this tradition.

    However, he makes the important point that Western Marxist scholarship has been very centrally about the nature of modernity and our present post-Marxist context which has seen the demise of postmodernism does not quite make obsolete some of the central Marxist accounts of modernity. To do this it must be able to interpret the social world. In this context the hermeneutical tradition represents one of the enduring features of European social theory. As an interpretation of the social world, social theory cannot avoid a hermeneutical component.

    In his view hermeneutics is essential in a theoretical framework capable of mediating between the macro level of analysis and the culturally grounded dimensions of human agency. This chapter contains the strongest claim of a common methodological concern in contemporary social theory with identifying cognitive processes, although the argument stops short of a thesis of methodological convergence. Two other examples of cultural themes in contemporary European social theory are the chapters by Johann Arnason and Robert Fine.

    With modernity civilization become more and more embroiled in each other with the result that there can be no clash of intact civilizations. The hermeneutic understanding of modernity as a multiple condition in which civilizational factors continue to play a role contains an implicit cosmopolitan thesis.

    The cosmopolitan turn is above all about the critique of, what Ulrich xxii. Beck has called, methodological nationalism, that is taking for granted the presuppositions of the nation-state both for the present as well as for the past Beck , Although these chapters are by no means comprehensive, they draw attention to some of the central themes in contemporary social theory in Europe. Cosmopolitanism might be one way of understanding, but cognitive social theory may be another.

    These approaches and others — critical theory, hermeneutics, the western Marxist heritage, civilizational analysis — reveal a common understanding of social theory as a critical philosophy of the present. The worst kind of social theory is an obscurantist mode of theorizing, in which theory becomes its own referent and where any connection with substantive issues is lost. The cultural turn in social theory, which brought social theory beyond philosophical sociology, tended towards philosophical abstraction. Many of the claims made by theorists are unsubstantiated by evidence.

    The sociological foundations of social theory provide an important corrective to many over-theorized arguments about a wide range of topics. For this reason social theory must be grounded in the social sciences, not necessarily sociology. Rather than retreating into the philosophical abstractions of cultural theory, social theory must situate itself within the social sciences. But this does not mean it must be a slave of the social sciences or become reduced to a formal sociological theorizing.

    French sociology is an example of the limits of a particular kind of social theory associated with Bourdieu who in vehemently opposing philosophical theory, such as that associated with the post-structuralists, established a theoretical sociology that has reached its limits see Bourdieu The result is that post-Bourdiusian sociology is now in search of a new social theory. Although if we are to believe Hauke Brunkhorst, German social theory has not yet entirely advanced beyond Habermas and Luhmann.

    Patrick Baert criticizes one of the main developments within the philosophy of social science today to reorient social theory away from, on the one side, the nomological-deductive conception of theory as hypothesis testing, and on the other, grand social theory. This is, what he terms, representational theory, which is very popular in recent British social theory.

    This is a view of theory as a mapping of the social world, whereby social theory provides to an intellectually impoverished social science the basic ontological building blocks for empirical research. In this approach, which is very strongly present in critical realism, social research reveals the truths of theory. As Patrick Baert argues, social theory is the main vehicle through which intellectual debates in the social and human sciences occur.

    It is in social theory that some of the most important agendas have been set for the social sciences, as is witnessed by issues such as the public sphere, risk, globalization and networks. What is needed is a cosmopolitan kind of social theory that is capable of making sense of major social transformations, which are global as opposed to national or even western Delanty Philosophy, in alliance with Marxism, once offered the animus for an older European social theory.

    With the demise of this tradition, and the absence of a methodological alternative to the neo-positivism that provides a workable feature of much of current social science, social theory is in danger of falling into a kind of solipsism characterized by an obsessive concern with classical sociology. Social theory must recover the social, and articulate some of the key commonalities of the social sciences, if it is to offer a critical interpretation of the present. But social theory will always be more than sociological theory. It is in this context that there can be fruitful dialogue between European social theory and American sociological theory.

    But this is not enough. This dichotomy developed largely within a European social theory that never had to confront anything fundamentally challenging. It may be suggested that it is the current global context that offers a new point of departure for social theory today. It is inevitable that this will demand a very different kind of social theory. Inevitably this entailed a degree of Eurocentrism. While Outhwaite and myself in my own contribution to the volume argue that the categories of European social theory are still relevant to much of the world, this is a view that will not necessarily be widely shared.

    However, it appears to be the position taken by Alexander Dmitriev with regard to Russian social theory, which in his position must abandon the search for a distinctive Russian social theory. Operating with a wider notion of social theory as a critical philosophy, he draws attention to the rise of subaltern studies in India in the s and to the role of humanist Marxism and especially Gramsci in its inception.

    Whether in India or in East Asia, xxiv. The central point in his analysis is not that there has been a simple adoption of western thought, but rather a dialogical exchange or interaction. European social theory no longer exists in an exclusively European or even western world.

    On this note Bryan Turner discusses the Asian context and the future of European social theory in a post-European world. References Beck, U. Beck, U. Berlin, I. Bourdieu, P. Clawson, D. Delanty, G. Gane, M. Harrington, A. Kemp, S. Lemert, C. Levine, D. Mellor, P. Osborne, T. Outhwaite, W. Ritzer, G. Seidman, S. Skinner, Q. Turner, B. Turner, S. Wagner, P. The life of social theory cannot be captured in skeletal summaries of dead ideas but only as a dynamic process of innovation and struggle, institutionalization and renewal.

    German idealism has often been characterized as the theory of the French Revolution, or at least as a reading of French readings of the event, not because it provided prior philosophical inspiration or an illuminating interpretation after the fact, but because of its character as a response to the challenges posed by this epochal moment Marcuse From the perspective of this longer view of social and cosmic change, Comte and Spencer imagine the social theorist not just as an interpreter and diagnostician of social life, but above all as its legislator and prophet.

    Even in failure, however, their systems embody a valuable collection of critical insights and contradictory inspirations that were arguably later absorbed or neutralized by their twentieth-century namesakes and nemeses in socio-biology and logical positivism. Where Comte and Hegel were able to work out their ideas in the protected setting of the university, Spencer and Marx were for the most part left out of established academic institutions: the latter studied in the British Museum while writing articles for the New York Daily Tribune; the former achieved notoriety in popular magazines and from well-attended lecture 5.

    Although the writings of other independent scholars in the nineteenth century, such as Harriett Martineau in England and Alexis de Tocqueville in France, have drawn increasing attention in recent years, they have not attained the same status as classical, foundational, or canonical. Rather than providing a grand theory to cover broad patterns of historical change, Martineau and de Tocqueville were more concerned with conducting detailed comparative studies of the intimate and often overlooked morals, manners and customs of everyday life.

    The writings of de Tocqueville and Martineau do not just exemplify the encounter of the early ideas of European social theory with the practicalities of an emerging new social order; their contemporary relevance also consists in demonstrating the importance of theoretically addressing the mundane conventions of ordinary experience and the particularities of everyday life in the modern world, not only in spite of but especially in times of cataclysmic upheaval. Drawing on lessons he learned from Rousseau and Montesquieu, and from his study of German moral philosophers after Kant, but rejecting the theories of collective violence and social imitation proposed by Sorel and Tarde, Durkheim ultimately grounded his notion of discipline in an appreciation of the simultaneously secular and sacred 6.

    In some ways, the work of W. In contrast to Du Bois and to Mead and Cooley who were also writing at this time , Gilman did not reach for Goethe or Hegel to articulate her own experience of a twin soul or the bifurcated experience of an estranged self and its other, but rather for the more homely artefacts of the mass media and popular culture, especially those that were produced by or for women.

    Occasionally employing suspect notions of racial hygiene, mother-right and social selection that had recently been imported from Europe, her most developed work in the social theory of matriarchal feminism, The Man-Made World: Our Androcentric Culture 8. In these later works, his concepts of the death drive and repression are not simply reducible to neuro-biological, intra-psychic or intra-familial dynamics, but are shown to be broadly articulated with the civilizational processes of war and work, and with the social structures of authority and disobedience.

    Her corrective to Freudian androcentrism in reconsidering the mediation of object-relations in the dynamics of subject formation has provided a key source for psychoanalytically-inspired feminist social theory in recent years Mitchell His teacher and mentor in Frankfurt, Karl Mannheim who worked in the same building that housed Adorno and his colleagues at the Institute for Social Research was also concerned to mark off a new direction for social theory while being more directly engaged in the ideological and academic disputes of his time.

    An interesting feature of the twentieth century intellectual migration of German into Anglo-American social theory occasionally via a French detour emerges from the fact that so many of these thinkers were exiles Klein, Freud, Mannheim, and Elias all immigrated to England during this period , and that the renaissance of their ideas has often originated in the English-speaking world. If classical social theory began as a response to revolution and by acknowledging the imperative of historical change, it appears to end with the prospect of human annihilation in warfare and by radically rethinking the very possibility of historical meaning.

    In the past, theorists of social life were as likely to publish a political manifesto to stir up the masses, or to comment in a popular periodical on the new spirit of the age, as they were to offer practical advice on public policy in a government report or on personal problems to the masses in the pages of a popular magazine. We have become accustomed in recent years to treating the fragmentation of social theory as itself a symptom of our current world crisis and cultural malaise.

    The supposed collapse of the grand theories of system and structure and of the classic metanarratives of reason and revolution appear to have left only mini-concepts of identity and personality and minor stories of difference and resistance with a claim to credibility Lyotard This latest challenge to the classical heritage has led a chorus of critics to call for the reconstruction of social theory from the ruins, if not through the standardization of terms and the professionalization of methods then through the reconstruction of new conceptual syntheses and abstract From here, we might begin to unthink the tradition as a resource for problematizing our present and for posing questions to ourselves: to what extent does it make sense to read our own age theoretically and empirically as a time of Durkheimian anomie and cultural chaos, of Marxian class struggle and world alienation, or of Weberian de-enchantment and technological rationalization?

    References Alexander, J. Baehr, P. Collins, R. Donzelot, J. Du Bois, W. Gates, Jr. Oliver eds , New York: W. Durkheim, E. Lukes ed. Hall trans. Elias, N. Dunning, J. Goudsblom and S. Mennell eds , Oxford: Blackwell Publishers. Freud, S. McLintock trans. Bersani, London: Penguin Books. Gilman, C. Green, B. Habermas, J. Kemple, T. Klein, M. Allan Bloom ed. Nichols, Jr. Lepenies, W. Hollingdale trans. Loader, C. Lyotard, J. Marcuse, H. Marx, K.

    Merton, Robert K. Mitchell, J. Schluchter, W. Schrift, A. Simmel, G. Frisby and M. Spencer, H. Peel ed. Tocqueville, A. Mayer ed. Lawrence trans. Van Krieken, R. Wallerstein, I. Weber, M. Whimster ed. Wernick, A. Wilson, H. Kemple ed. Zamir, S. On the one hand, social theory has played a central role in the development of the social sciences in the last twenty to thirty years. On the other hand, the precise role of theory in empirical research has become increasingly uncertain.

    Until recently the deductive-nomological model and its realist alternative were dominant ways of thinking about the relationship between theory and empirical research, but both have now been shown to be problematic. It is therefore important to reconsider the precise status of theory and to reassess what theory can achieve and what it is for. One way forward, I will argue, is to conceive of knowledge in terms of cognitive interests and to recognise the importance of selfknowledge as a cognitive interest. Social theory as facilitator and catalyst Since the late s, researchers in the social sciences and humanities have shown a growing interest in social theory.

    Social theory has managed to occupy the position of intellectual facilitator and catalyst in the humanities and the social sciences. By this, I mean that it occupies the space in which cross-disciplinary debates are encouraged, channelled and coordinated, similar to the way in which, in the course of the twentieth century, mathematics has become the language through which insights from one branch of the natural sciences reach other branches.

    For now, however, social theory is the main vehicle through which intellectual debates occur. Often, social theory acts like a central nervous system: intellectual developments within social theory precede and set the agenda for debates in the social sciences. For example, the Dahlgren ; Price and gender studies e.

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    Siltanen and Stanworth to history e. Landes ; Solkin Another example is the debate around structure and agency, which, again, was initially a mainly theoretical dispute, the fruits of which subsequently became incorporated in a number of social sciences, ranging from political science e. Marsh et al. Lawson , Sometimes, however, developments in social theory are sparked by empirical research, though social theory remains the intellectual clearing-house — the medium through which these new ideas travel.

    Gell McDowell ; McDowell and Sharp to international relations e. Tickner ; Hooper Initially, the allocation of a central role to theory coincided with the coming of age of the golden generation of European social theory. The conditions in which they worked partly account for the central role their work came to play.

    New social sciences, such as gender and media studies, came on the scene, and those that already existed became stronger. They differed greatly as to what ought to be criticised, what critique meant and how it could be achieved, but most subscribed to the view that theory or theory-driven research would tie in with a left or left-of-centre political agenda, whether it be a straightforward emancipatory or a deconstructionist one.

    This social turn provided fertile ground for the increasing authority of social theory. This is why it makes more sense to talk about social theory rather than sociological theory. Sociological theory suggests a discipline-bound form of Sociological theory never existed in its pure form anyway. For instance, during the heyday of structural-functionalism, the application of this theoretical framework was not limited to sociology; social anthropologists were as committed to it as sociologists were.

    But at least the disciplinary boundaries were clearer then, whereas theorising now affects the social sciences in general — not just sociology. Why social theory? But quite the opposite is the case. There is growing uncertainty as to what social theory can or should achieve, especially in relationship to the various social sciences it is supposed to serve.

    Ironically, there was more of a consensus on these matters during the period preceding the prominence of social theory. The problem for social theory today is that these earlier views about the relationship between theory and research have been shown to be problematic. Two views, in particular, were widespread until two decades ago, but are no longer tenable. The second view sees theory in representational terms: as providing the conceptual building blocks for capturing or picturing the empirical world.

    The two views, the deductive and the representational one, are not necessarily mutually exclusive, and some authors subscribed to both. They are, however, analytically distinct. Empirical research is a testing device, like a judicial decision, informing the academic community about how valid the theory has proven to be.

    Philosophers who subscribe to this view are preoccupied with demarcation questions: what is science, and how is it different from, say, pseudo-science or ideology. This culminated in a distrust of grand theory, notably its historicist and holistic version, in favour of middle range theory, which facilitated focused, empirical research Merton ; see also Popper b []. What type of middle range theory is most appropriate was, of course, open to discussion, with different candidates presenting themselves: for instance, functionalists, rational choice theorists and exchange theorists.

    But all versions complied with the deductive-nomological structure and employed empirical research as adjudicator. Proponents of the deductive-nomological view argued that this distinctive method had been widely used in the natural sciences and, more importantly, that it accounted for the obvious success of the natural sciences over the centuries. Kuhn It was also successfully argued that if scientists had proceeded in this deductive-nomological fashion, they would, most likely, not have made the progress they had made Feyerabend The precise status of empirical refutations is unclear given the theory-laden nature of observational statements.

    Any observation draws on theoretical presuppositions and is fallible; hence it is not fruitful to conceive of testing as a straightforward adjudicating device. The third problem questions the validity of the inductive process by which empirical research results are used to infer statements regarding the truth or falsehood of the hypotheses. In the latter part of the twentieth century, the deductive-nomological view came under intense scrutiny, and gave way gradually to the representational model.

    According to the representational model, theory provides the ontological building blocks for empirical research. Theorists search for the unchanging foundations of an all-embracing theoretical framework or science of the social. Research is then conceived as a mapping device, capturing the various dimensions of social life see, for example, Layder Research is particularly successful if it manages to give a comprehensive account of the social, taking into account both macro- and micro-phenomena and showing the link between them see Layder No longer adjudicators of theory, empirical cases are instantiations of the theory.

    Social research can never help to establish the refutation of theories, but it can show their degree of applicability to empirical cases, and theories gain credence if they can be used to account for a wide variety of social phenomena. The theory is applicable to a particular case if the empirical phenomena can be rephrased in terms of the theory. This representational model is problematic for a variety of reasons.

    First, it remains unclear what is to be gained from trying to capture the various dimensions of social reality, as if there would be some virtue in comprehensiveness. Theoretical attempts at linking the different aspects of social life the macro- and the micro-, structure and agency, etc. Second, recent developments in philosophy have shed serious doubt over the assumption that research is about uncovering previously hidden mechanisms or powers. Recent philosophical developments rightly substitute agency for the metaphor of vision: knowledge is a form of action, bringing about change.

    Knowledge is about coping with the world — not copying it Rorty ; Third, the view of research as exemplifying theory is problematic. It is responsible for the repetitive nature of a great deal of research carried out under a representational banner. Researchers use a theoretical frame of reference to illuminate or rephrase a piece of research, inevitably reinforcing the very same theory. Old Europe and new pragmatism The solution, I think, lies in abandoning these two diametrically opposed positions about the relationship between theory and research.

    The deductive-nomological model sees empirical research as a grand inquisitor, informing the research community about which theories are best and which are to be abandoned. The representational model denigrates empirical research, belittling it as a mere illustration or application of theories, simply a vehicle through which theories are articulated, reproduced and celebrated. However, the deductive-nomological model does not fare better. It only encourages theoretical change if we are confronted with a vast array of empirical refutations, and given the uncertainty as to what amounts to a valid empirical refutation and given the entrenched nature of research programmes, conceptual change is, in practice, limited.

    Whilst the two positions are clearly different, both fail to realise how a confrontation with empirical phenomena can encourage us to adopt a new vocabulary, to take a new theoretical perspective on things. This philosophical position merges old Europe and new pragmatism: it incorporates insights from Continental hermeneutics, in particular Hans-Georg Gadamer, and insights from American neo-pragmatism, notably Richard Bernstein and Richard Rorty. Nevertheless, social researchers and theoreticians have neglected American pragmatism in two ways.

    Second, whilst social scientists often acknowledge a debt to the classics of American pragmatism, they engage very little with the current strands of pragmatism. Indeed, a growing industry of pub I want to pay attention precisely to these two neglected aspects of pragmatism. Pragmatists are sceptical of any transcendental form of inquiry. Transcendental forms of inquiry assume that philosophy can provide a-temporal foundations that supposedly ground aesthetic, ethical or cognitive claims see Rorty —; Bernstein — They might differ in how to arrive at the foundations — some might appeal to self-inquiry, some to intuition, some to reason, and so on — but they all assume that we can step outside history.

    For pragmatists, knowledge can never correspond to or mirror an external reality, and therefore it does not make sense to say that it fails to correspond to reality. Mirroring is simply the wrong metaphor. Transcendental forms of inquiry are particularly widespread in the philosophy of social science. In contrast to these other natural sciences, biology is not strictly law-governed, nor deterministic. Even within one discipline, the history of science has taught us that a winning strategy can suddenly become a losing one, and vice versa, and that with the arrival of a new paradigm, methodological rules can be altered substantially.

    Furthermore, transcendental forms of inquiry rest on a selective view of the natural sciences as a neatly demarcated and selective activity. The sociology of sciences has taught us that the closer we look at the practice of science, the less clear the boundaries between science and non-science become. As mentioned earlier, John Dewey coined this term to refer to any view of knowledge as a representation of the inner nature of the external world. According to this view, knowledge represents the world as accurately and completely as possible. The spectator theory of knowledge relies on the metaphor of vision: knowledge is supposed to map or mirror the world.

    Pragmatists wish to break with the metaphor of vision Rorty Evolutionary theory teaches us that individuals develop language and knowledge as tools to cope with the external world Rorty However, it would be absurd to argue that they manage to represent the world as it really is. Rather than seeing reality as ready made, complete and waiting to be discovered, knowledge is always in the making. It is about coping with, not copying, the world. Representational views are widespread in the social sciences, and they manifest themselves in two ways.

    Social researchers are like social cartographers, drawing the social world as it really is, uncovering hidden mechanisms possibly unacknowledged by the people involved. Second, some presuppose that social research aims at presenting as complete a picture of the social as possible. Hence the desire to transcend oppositions: between structure and agency, society and the individual, the macro- and micro, and so on.

    These exponents of the spectator theory of knowledge are not tenable. First, to view social research as an exercise in social cartography is to assume mistakenly that research passively records external data. The cartography model ignores the way in which researchers draw on interpretative procedures in order to account for the phenomena under investigation. Research is not a discovery as such, but an active process in which researchers make sense of things. Second, neither social theory nor social research has gained much from the numerous efforts to transcend the different dimensions of the social.

    For instance, the preoccupation with linking structure and agency has often led to unfocused empirical research, lacking in empirical relevance and clarity. The urge to obtain comprehensiveness often amounts to a lack of intellectual direction Baert a: — For pragmatists, research is active — it is always about accomplishing things. This explains their interest in the notion of cognitive interest, referring to the particular aims of research. Naturalist philosophies of social science take for granted that research is about explanation and prediction. This approach has led to sophisticated research programmes, but the drawback is that other cognitive interests did not come to the foreground.

    Macht, Schein und Legitimität - Das Politische in Schillers Drama Maria Stuart (German Edition) Macht, Schein und Legitimität - Das Politische in Schillers Drama Maria Stuart (German Edition)
    Macht, Schein und Legitimität - Das Politische in Schillers Drama Maria Stuart (German Edition) Macht, Schein und Legitimität - Das Politische in Schillers Drama Maria Stuart (German Edition)
    Macht, Schein und Legitimität - Das Politische in Schillers Drama Maria Stuart (German Edition) Macht, Schein und Legitimität - Das Politische in Schillers Drama Maria Stuart (German Edition)
    Macht, Schein und Legitimität - Das Politische in Schillers Drama Maria Stuart (German Edition) Macht, Schein und Legitimität - Das Politische in Schillers Drama Maria Stuart (German Edition)
    Macht, Schein und Legitimität - Das Politische in Schillers Drama Maria Stuart (German Edition) Macht, Schein und Legitimität - Das Politische in Schillers Drama Maria Stuart (German Edition)
    Macht, Schein und Legitimität - Das Politische in Schillers Drama Maria Stuart (German Edition) Macht, Schein und Legitimität - Das Politische in Schillers Drama Maria Stuart (German Edition)
    Macht, Schein und Legitimität - Das Politische in Schillers Drama Maria Stuart (German Edition) Macht, Schein und Legitimität - Das Politische in Schillers Drama Maria Stuart (German Edition)
    Macht, Schein und Legitimität - Das Politische in Schillers Drama Maria Stuart (German Edition) Macht, Schein und Legitimität - Das Politische in Schillers Drama Maria Stuart (German Edition)
    Macht, Schein und Legitimität - Das Politische in Schillers Drama Maria Stuart (German Edition)

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